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| Pregnancy Prevention Programs |
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| During 1992 the American government spent $34 billion on income support for parenting adolescents. This represented an increase of 36% from 1990 according to Poole (1996). A report on family poverty (Annual Report, 1996) showed that 53% of teenage parenting families were living below the poverty line (Mayfield Arnold, Smith, Harrison & Springer 1999).
In response to the alarming statistics and escalating social costs attributed to adolescent pregnancy and parenting, the American government allocated $50 million per year to fund abstinence-based sex education programs in 1996 (Mayfield Arnold et al, 1999). These funding incentives provided the development and expansion of many pregnancy prevention programs and initiatives, targeting vulnerable groups such as African American teenagers. For example in 1997, a national campaign called 'Girl Power' was launched, as a multiphased public education strategy aimed at increasing self-esteem, and promoting health issues through educational programs (Mayfield Arnold et al, 1999).
Although many pregnancy prevention programs such as Postponing SexualInvolvement (PSI), and Education Now and Babies Later (ENABL) emphasised abstinence, and targeted youths under eighteen, educators acknowledged that many of the participants were sexually experienced, thus identifying a need to target a younger age group. Although the general public indicated support of sex education programs, the support was passive rather than proactive. There was also resistance from parents who strongly felt sex education was a parental responsibility (Rosoff 1989; Gilbert & Bailis 1980, cited in Mayfield Arnold et al 1999, p. 12). The growing popularity of abstinence-based programs in America, identified a need for evaluation and monitoring of programs. An evaluation of five prominent pregnancy prevention programs based in public schools was conducted by Frost and Forrest (1995),
(Mayfield Arnold et at, 1999). They found the programs were more effective in delaying sexual activity when younger adolescents were targeted. Although the evaluation results were initially promising, there was no indication to suggest long term effects or outcomes. Other evaluation studies also found that programs which were successful in decreasing pregnancy rates initially, often produced short term benefits, as pregnancy rates increased once key program components and related services were discontinued. This highlighted program difficulties in maintaining any lasting effect. This suggests that pregnancy prevention programs had a short term delaying effect, rather than preventing pregnancies. It also identified a need for a much broader approach involving family and community support (Mayfield Arnold, 1999). Smith (1997) and Schinke (1998) use an ecological perspective to illustrate the need to view teenage sexuality from a socially constructed context. Thus acknowledging the complex nature of the problem, and the need for a collaborative approach involving other health care systems (Mayfield Arnold et al 1999, p20).
Another school-based program, the Teenage Pregnancy and Parenting (TAPP) targets pregnant adolescents under eighteen, from African American background (Fischer, 1997). The program uses a case management approach to help pregnant teens. The main goals are to promote healthy pregnancy outcomes, help the girls complete their education and prevent future pregnancies. The program uses a family-centred approach to engage family support and fathers, to provide a supportive environment for the mother and child (Fischer, 1997).
Alice Rossi (1997), provides an alternative view on adolescent sexual behaviour. Her review of literature in evolutionary psychology, reproductive biology and adolescent development, stressed the importance of acknowledging the biological and cognitive development during adolescence. Rossi argues that it is unrealistic for society to impose its |
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